Showing posts with label PM. Show all posts
Showing posts with label PM. Show all posts

Friday, July 11, 2014

Maiden Budget of FM Arun Jaitley



Introduction

     During the tenure of the UPA II government, the emphasis of socio-economic policy had shifted heavily towards entitlement and legal rights and away from actual outcomes in terms of endowments (e.g. ability to read and write) and employment.  As a result, Indian Agricultural inflation averaged an unprecedented  11% per year during the last five years, and economic growth has declined since the bubble year of 2010-11 to an incredible 4.6% average during last two years. The budget had to break out of this stagflation.  
    The BJP’s PM candidate’s campaign speeches and the BJP had clearly indicated a desire to restore the balance, by focusing much more on economic development and improved governance!  First the BJP manifesto and then the President’s speech to the new Parliament spelt out the sectors and industries which the government would focus on. The Railway budget applied this approach to one sector of the economy, by trying to shift the focus from railway’s social role to its development role and by spelling out its approach to improving railway governance (E-governance) for improving the quality of service provided to passengers and other clients.  The national budget translates into hard budget allocations the government’s approach to economic development and fleshes out how tax administration and to some extent expenditure management is to be changed to provide better service.

Budget Expectations

    An analysis of PM Modi’s record as CM of Gujrat had led me to write after the election results came out, that his government would be pragmatic and goal oriented, without bothering much about ideological dos and don’ts that had hobbled earlier governments.  In other words they would focus on finding out and implementing whatever had a greater probability of achieving the desired results rather than worrying about certificates of purity from global development community.  I therefore declared on TV, before the start of FM Jaitly’s speech, that I expected a good budget but not a revolutionary one or one that would stand out as contender for the top three such.  The budget has confirmed this forecast.

Budget

   The budget is very much along lines one would expect from a first time FM who has been in office for only 45 days (not enough time to plumb the depths of revenue bureaucracy) and who has no Chief Economic Advisor (to give a broader perspective to his speech or provide non-bureaucratic perspective on macro-economic & tax policy issues) or eminent economist as “Advisor to FM”(to ferret out information & raise searching questions for FM to seek answers to)  Among the noteworthy feature of the budget are the fiscal balance, expenditure allocation, tax administration, financial and other promised reforms.

Fiscal Situation

      The FM decided not to shift from cash accounting (with its non-transparent rollover of expenditure allocations) to accrual accounting.  This allowed him to retain the fiscal and revenue deficit (RD) estimates for  2013-14- 4.5% and 3.2% of GDP respectively. The FM has signaled his determination to restore fiscal stability by sticking to the 4.1% fiscal deficit (FD) target for 2014-15 and 3% for 2016-17. The projected 0.4% point reduction in fiscal deficit is accompanied by a projected 0.3% point reduction in the revenue deficit.  The FM’s speech gives an indication that FRBM will be restored in letter and spirit. This is essential for breaking out of the stagflation of the last two years and ensuring stability in capital flows over the next five. Are the 4.1% FD and 2.9% RD targets realistic? The revenue targets, though lower, are still ambitious.  On the other hand the disinvestment targets (60,000 cr), though higher are easier to attain given capital inflows and the rise in stock markets.  There also higher cash balances that can be drawn on. The fact that an FM cannot start missing targets, from the first year of his tenure as FM, means that they are likely to be met.

Expenditure Allocation

        It was necessary for the Finance Minister to show the governments seriousness of purpose, by translating the objectives of the Modi led government and the sectoral thrust areas that it had identified for achieving these objectives, into budgetary allocations.  The expenditure allocations reflect a realistic mix of what can be achieved during the rest of the year by accelerating ongoing programs of interest and therefore merit higher allocations and what needs time to study, plan and implement and therefore merits token allocations. Though some commentators have criticized the large number of small new programs, I think it is wise for a new, relatively inexperienced council of ministers, to take some time to get a realistic picture of the capabilities and limitations of a Central Government.  When viewed from an overall perspective the expenditure objectives signal the government’s resolve to achieve its economic development objectives along the lines indicated in the President’s speech and the BJP manifesto. Thus allocations to Tourism, Highways and other labor intensive sectors and to skill development ("Skill India": integrated national multi-skilling mission, teacher training) assure that the job creation objective will be seriously addressed. In my view the much greater importance given to creating a “digital” India” (e-governance, 'virtual classrooms'), and a “Swach Bharat” (clean water, sanitation & sewerage) hold revolutionary promise for overcoming the challenge of pervasive corruption in government and child “malnutrition”(stunting, wasting) respectively.  At the same time the budget has signaled pragmatism, by making only small exploratory allocations for some of the more expensive/ambitious schemes like bullet trains. The one noticeable gap is in recognition of the revolutionary possibilities of using e-medicine/e health to deliver better health in rural areas

Better Governance

     The taxation parts of FM’s speech have focused heavily on legislative and administrative reform, reducing tax arbitrariness, and moving to e-governance. This is another application of the belief that better governance is essential for improving the quality of service which government provides to its citizens, and specifically to tax payers. Given the deeply entrenched “Inspector raj” mentality of the tax departments, the FM will have to drill much deeper to achieve significant change. A good place to start would be the report of the committee on reform of tax administration chaired by Dr Partha Shome. 
    A similar philosophy is operating on the expenditure side, though here concrete action on better targeting of subsidies, improving the efficiency of government programs and reducing corruption will have to await the report of a committee. There are similar references to management of government owned financial institutions. However, my experience of 20 years of reforms in India is that very upright and determined leaders can improve governance during their own tenures, but such improvement is not sustained unless backed by policy and institutional reform that changes the incentives under which the political bosses, administrative managers, officers and staff operate.

Financial Reforms

     The rise of investment limits in FDI in Defense, Insurance and low cost housing, t allowing “pass through” for Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITs), the idea of Infrastructure Investment trusts(IITs), the attempt to learn from past shortcomings of PPP agreements so as to devise, improved,  more resilient models, can help in supporting investment revival.
    The required re-capitalization of Public Sector Banks is to be done only partly through retail sale of government shares, as the earlier government's policy of majority (51%) government ownership of Public sector banks (PSBs) has not yet been dropped. I am also saddened that industry associations managed to keep Defense FDI from being raised to 51%, which is the minimum needed by a defense company (in US) to set up an Indian subsidiary and transfer technology to it, without it being treated as sale of technology to a foreign company.
     There are also references in the FMs speech to a “single identity number” and specialized “payment banks.”  These can transform the lives of the Aam Aurat if, “mobile payments” from cell phones and genuine “mobile banking” is allowed and encouraged.

Other reforms

       It is encouraging that FM expects to bring in legislation for implementing GST within the current financial year.  However, changes made in this budget in direct and indirect taxes do not suggest a return to the successful tax reform policies of the 1990s & early 2000s, to simplify them by eliminating deductions-exemptions and reducing tax rates (in a tax neutral way), to enhance voluntary compliance. They still appear to reflect the approach of the 2010s, that was partly responsible for the collapse of corparate investment and FDI. Fortunately there is enough time before the next budget to bring in both tax policy expertise, and legal-administrative expertise to devise a more comprehensive reorganization of tax policy and administration. 
        The promise of a reform of the Apprenticeship Act can be seen as part of the effort to improve skills or as a first step in labor reform. The hint of creating a competitive, all India market in food and agricultural holds tantalizing possibilities, but needs further elaboration/action.

Conclusion

    The measures taken in the budget will be sufficient to increase growth by about 1 per cent point over the last year’s 4.7% to 5.7% (though down side risk from monsoon failure and oil shock remains). Actualization of some of the measures indicated in the budget will however be necessary to raise growth to the 6.5 to 7% range in 2015-16.  Raising growth to 8% and sustaining it at that level will require further policy reforms during the next 18 months. Similarly, fiscal consolidation (on the projected path), will need to be supplemented by more comprehensive reform of policies affecting the entire food supply chain if agro inflation is to be brought down and sustained below 6%.

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     A version of this article appeared in The Hindu, July 11, 2014 under the banner, “Pragmatism and Revolutionary Promise”:  http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/pragmatism-and-revolutionary-promise/article6198610.ece .

Saturday, April 6, 2013

Now For something completely different: Election Strategy



Introduction      

 In an earlier note[1] I had forecast that the 2014 election campaign would be fought between a Rahul led Congress and a Modi led BJP.  Rahul Gandhi’s speech has given us the first hint of the Rahul-Congress election platform and strategy. The election platform is basically the congress development strategy of “Inclusive growth” developed over the last 8 years, modified (tweaked?) by the need to restore growth to its 8% potential and leavened with Shri Rahul Gandhi’s personal experience of reaching out to the common people and reviving the Congress party. By leaving the issue of a future Congress PM open (Rahul-? diarchy), the strategy is also designed to keep the election from becoming a Presidential style Rahul vs. Modi election.  
     The election platform of the Modi led BJP is also reasonably clear, based as it is on governance and his experience of maintaining fast economic growth and job creation in Gujarat and the provision of Public Goods and services through his administrative abilities.  At the same time he is likely to leave it to his social critics to arouse the BJP’s Hindutva base by criticizing his leadership of Gujarat during the 2002 riots, with perhaps some help from RSS affiliates.  These strategies will be designed to subtly polarize the voters and attract them towards the two National parties and away from State parties that depend heavily on cast, creed and regionalism.

Election Strategy

      Consider a grading based on the each parties program (Cong/BJP) and the ability of the potential leader (Rahul/Modi) to achieve results (positive & negative).  Three dimensions are likely to figure in the election discourse: Social inclusion, Economic Growth & Development and Domestic & National security (plus a net/overall grade).  Putting oneself into the hypothetical persona of neutral analyst with a nationalist, liberal perspective, the tentative scores for the two national parties are, (i) Rahul led Congress: A, B+ and B on the three dimensions with a net score of  B+ and (ii) Modi led BJP: C+, A and A- with a net of B+.  Any ranking can be disputed by committed supporters, particularly as it relates to likely future performance. Our purpose is however the very limited one of analyzing potential election strategies.  Two points emerge from this exercise: One that on basis of net score it may be difficult for voters to choose between the two National parties, so traditional supporters of each are likely to vote for their historically favored party, even if they had drifted away in the last two elections. Two that new, independent, undecided voters are likely to vote for the party whose score is higher on the dimension that is more important to them.  Those who care very strongly about social liberalism are likely to gravitate to the Rahul Congress, while those who care strongly about liberal economic policy outcomes are likely to drift to the BJP.  Those who care more about caste and region, will likely vote for the State parties.  On balance the urban vote is likely to shift back from Congress to BJP, while the rural vote share of the Congress could increase to partially offset this.  The challenge for both parties will be to win back the younger, more mobile voters from among those whose families switched to the State parties during the last 10-15 years.

Post-Poll BJP

        The National party which gets significantly higher number of seats along with its limited pre-election partners will have a better chance of forming the government.  Analysts have said that an ambiguous result will favor the Congress, given the reluctance of parties like JD(U), BJD and TDP to join a government with Modi as PM.  My analysis suggests that the BJP-NDA may solve this conundrum by making L K Advani PM, Narendra Modi as Deputy PM in charge of the economy and perhaps Nitish Kumar as DPM for social policy.  This may have the collateral benefit of allaying fears within the BJP and the RSS of Modi’s “dictatorial” tendencies.

Pre-Poll Congress

     Does this new post-election scenario, require new thinking on the part of the Rahul Congress?  For one it requires a complete extirpation of any residual complacency in the Congress with respect to economic reforms and economic growth.  The government, fully and whole heartedly supported by the party, must get down in the trenches to carry out every possible governance and economic reform that can revive economic growth within the next twelve months.  Two, they must move to the center on social laws, expenditures and programs.  There is an impression among the Urban middle class that social policy has been driven to an extreme by philosophers, poets and dreamers, without regard to scientific analysis and much understanding of the severe limitations imposed by the overburdened, broken and corrupt bureaucratic system that has to implement this policy.  The emerging middle class is unlikely to vote on the basis of promises and programs that transfer 70% to 85% of money to administrators and politicians.

Conclusion

       The economic growth achievements of Narendra Modi can only be countered by the growth achievements of the Congress-UPA government.  The Congress cannot assume that even if it wins fewer seats than the BJP, most potential post-pol allies of the BJP can be persuaded to abandon the Modi led BJP.  They may flock to an Advani-Modi led NDA government.

Sunday, January 6, 2013

A Parable of Two People: Transiting To A New Era



One of the daily newspapers had a story of Nirbhay’s village in Ballia and how her grandmother and other relatives had gathered to pray for her.  On hearing “Ballia” my memory spiked back to what now appears to be another era and the name of another famous person from Ballia in Eastern UP, the part of UP that is still relatively poor and backward compared to Central and western UP.  In the late  1960s and 1970s, Ballia was represented in Parliament by Shri Chander Shekhar.  Starting his political life in the Praja Socialist Party, he was later known as a “young Turk” in the Congress and was a member of the “Socialist forum” within the party.  He later left the Congress Party and went on to become Prime Minister of the Samajwadi Janta Party government in 1990-91. He was, as affirmed to me by two eminent professors, a large hearted and generous man. With only a little exaggeration, one could call him a “Socialist Prince” who operated on the principle that a good leader must be generous to his subjects.   As Prime Minister he led India into the fiscal-BOP crises of 1990-91.
Jump two decades to 2011 and 2012 and to twenty three year old Nirbhaya a child of the new era. She and her parents came to New Delhi from Ballia, which has probably changed little in these two decades, compared to Central and Western UP.  These parents from one of the most ‘backward’ regions of India had educated their daughter to the extent possible.  She was training to be a physiotherapist, acquiring a skill that would earn her a decent income and dreamt of a fulfilling urban middle class life.  She represented the dream, not only of herself and her family, but a number of women and men who came out on the streets to protest her brutal rape and attempted murder on a bus.  According to press reports, they included female house workers, lower middle class working women, young people from all walks of life and women of all ages, who saw something of themselves in her.
These two people from relatively poor and backward Ballia, one a dominant male member of the post-independence political elite and the other a young educated girl from a modest background are metaphors for an era of hierarchical patronage and government largesse (Mai Bap Sarkar) that has ended and the beginning of an era of democratic equality and fulfillment of the right to “Life, liberty and the Pursuit of happiness.”